In linguistics, grammatical number is a feature of nouns, pronouns, adjectives and verb agreement that expresses count distinctions (such as "one", "two" or "three or more").. English and many other languages present number categories of singular or plural. Some languages also have a dual, trial and paucal number or other arrangements.
The word "number" is also used in linguistics to describe the distinction between certain grammatical aspects that indicate the number of times an event occurs, such as the semelfactive aspect, the iterative aspect, etc. For that use of the term, see "Grammatical aspect".
Grammatical number is a morphological category characterized by the expression of quantity through inflection or agreement. As an example, consider the English sentences below:
The quantity of apples is marked on the noun—"apple" singular number (one item) vs. "apples" plural number (more than one item)—on the demonstrative, that/those, and on the verb, is/are. In the second sentence, all this information is redundant, since quantity is already indicated by the numeral two.
A language has grammatical number when its noun forms are subdivided into morphological classes according to the quantity they express, such that:
This is partly true for English: every noun and pronoun form is singular or plural (a few, such as "fish", "cannon" and "you", can be either, according to context). Some modifiers of nouns—namely the demonstrative determiners—and finite inflect to agree with the number of the noun forms they modify or have as subject: this car and these cars are correct, while * this cars and * these car are incorrect. However, adjectives do not inflect for and many verb forms do not distinguish between singular and plural ("She/They went", "She/They can go", "She/They had gone", "She/They will go").
Many languages distinguish between Count noun and Mass noun. Only count nouns can be freely used in the singular and in the plural. Mass nouns, like "milk", "gold", and "furniture", are normally invariant. (In some cases, a normally mass noun X may be used as a count noun to collect several distinct kinds of X into an enumerable group; for example, a cheesemaker might speak of goat, sheep, and cow milk as milks.)
Not all languages have number as a grammatical category. In those that do not, quantity must be expressed either directly, with numerals, or indirectly, through optional quantifiers. However, many of these languages compensate for the lack of grammatical number with an extensive system of .
Joseph Greenberg has proposed a number category hierarchy as a linguistic universal: "No language has a trial number unless it has a dual. No language has a dual unless it has a plural." This hierarchy does not account for the paucal.
To mark number, English has different singular and plural forms for nouns and verbs (in the third person): "my dog watch es television" (singular) and "my dog s watch television" (plural). This is not universal: Wambaya language marks number on nouns but not verbs, and Onondaga marks number on verbs but not nouns. Latin has different singular and plural forms for nouns, verbs, and adjectives, in contrast to English where adjectives do not change for number. Tundra Nenets can mark singular and plural on nouns, verbs, adjectives, adverbs, and postpositions. However, the most common part of speech to show a number distinction is pronouns. An example of a personal pronoun system distinguishing singular and plural is that of Wayoró:
+ Wayoró pronouns |
In languages with a singular/dual/plural paradigm, the exact meaning of plural depends on whether the dual is obligatory or facultative (optional). In contrast to English and other singular/plural languages where plural means two or more, in languages with an obligatory dual, plural strictly means three or more. This is the case for Sanskrit, Mansi language,
There are also languages where use of the dual number is more restricted than singular and plural. In the possessive noun forms of Northern Sámi, the possessor can be in the dual number, but the noun possessed can only be singular or plural.
+ Māori pronouns Winifred Bauer (1993). 020340372X, Routledge. 020340372X |
Dual number existed in all nouns and adjectives of Proto-Indo-European around 4000 BCE, and was inherited in some form in many of its Prehistory, Protohistory, Ancient history, and Middle Ages descendents. Only rarely has it persisted in Indo-European languages to the modern day. It survived in Proto-Germanic in the first and second person pronouns, where it was then inherited by Old English, Old High German, Old Saxon, Old Swedish, Old Norwegian, Old Icelandic, and Gothic language. It continued in Icelandic until the 1700s, some dialects of Faroese language until at least the late 1800s, and some dialects of North Frisian through the 1900s. From Proto-Greek it entered Ancient Greek, and from Proto-Indo-Iranian it entered Sanskrit. From Proto-Slavic, it still exists today in Slovene and the Sorbian languages. Indo-European languages that have long ago lost the dual still sometimes have residual traces of it, such as the English distinctions both vs. all, either vs. any, and neither vs. none. The Norwegian både, cognate with English both, has further evolved to be able to refer to more than two items, as in både epler, pærer, og druer, literally "both apples, pears, and grapes."
It is rare for a language to mark the trial on nouns, and some sources even claim that trial marking on nouns does not exist.
+ Larike pronouns |
While the dual can be obligatory or facultative, according to Greville Corbett there are no known cases of an obligatory trial, so the trial might always be facultative. However, languages may have both a facultative dual and a facultative trial, like in Larike, or an obligatory dual and a facultative trial, like in Ngan'gi.
Most languages with a trial are in the Austronesian family, and most non-Austronesian languages with a trial are nearby in Oceania. The latter category includes the Austronesian-influenced English creole languages of Tok Pisin, Bislama, and Pijin language. In Australia, the trial can also be found in Aboriginal languages of many different language families. In Indonesia, trial pronouns are common in the storytelling of Abun language, a possible language isolate.
Almost all languages with a paucal also have a dual. However, this is not universal. Nouns in Mocoví only have singular, paucal, and plural. On the other hand, the pronouns in Mussau and Lihir language have dual, trial, and paucal.
+ Lihir pronouns |
The lower bound of the paucal is usually defined by what other number categories exist in the language. In singular/paucal/plural paradigms, use of the paucal begins at two, but with the addition of the dual, the paucal begins at three. There is usually no exact upper bound on how many paucal refers to, and its approximate range depends on both language and context. It has been recorded as going up to about 5 in Warndarrang, about 6 in Baiso language, 10 in Arabic, and about 10 or 15 in Murrinh-patha. In Manam language, the primary factor for using the paucal is not a specific number range, but the referents forming a single group; although the paucal is most common between 3 and 5, it has been used with more than 20. In Paamese language, a major factor is relative group size compared to the plural, such that even though the paucal generally means 12 or fewer, a group of 2,000 people may be referred to in the paucal when contrasted with a group of 100,000 referred to in the plural.
Much like the dual, it is crosslinguistically variable which words and parts of speech may be marked with the paucal. Baiso has the paucal only for nouns and not pronouns, whereas Yimas language has the paucal only for pronouns and not nouns. In Meriam language, the paucal is mostly marked on the verbs. Avar language has the paucal for only about 90 specific nouns, including brush, spade, snake, and daughter-in-law (the only kin term that can take the paucal in Avar). Bunun language has a paucal only in its distal demonstratives used in reference to people.
It is common for former trials to evolve in meaning to become paucals, and many Austronesian languages have paucal markers that are etymologically derived from the numeral three, indicating the old usage. It is less common for duals to evolve into paucals, but this has been observed in some dialects of Arabic. Paucals that are etymologically trials are sometimes incorrectly described as being trials. For example, trial pronouns were once described as being found in all the Kiwaian languages, but it is now recognized that many actually have a paucal instead. Linguist Michael Cysouw has suggested that most languages reported to have trials in fact have mislabelled paucals, and that true trials are very rare. On the other hand, Luise Hercus stated in her published grammar of Arabana that the language's trial (which can be marked on nouns) is a true trial which cannot act as a paucal. Similar things have been said about trial pronouns in Larike and Anejom̃.
Russian language has what has variably been called paucal numerals, the count form, the adnumerative, or the genitive of quantification. When a noun in the nominative case has a numeral added to quantify it, the noun becomes genitive singular with 2, 3, or 4, but genitive plural with 5 or above. Many linguists have described these as paucal constructions.See:
However, some have disagreed on the grounds that a Russian noun cannot be declined to stand by itself and mean anywhere between 2 and 4.See:
Similar constructions can be found in other Slavic languages, including Polish language, Serbo-Croatian, and Slovene language. Because Slovene also has a regular dual, there is a four-way distinction of nouns being singular with 1, dual with 2, plural with 3 or 4, and genitive plural with 5 or more.
+ Sursurunga pronouns Don (compiler) Hutchisson (2025). 9789980042873, Summer Institute of Linguistics. . ISBN 9789980042873 |
Like trial forms, quadral forms of pronouns have been said to be attested in the Melanesian pidgins of Tok Pisin, Bislama, and Pijin. However, while these are grammatically possible, they are rare, and plural forms are almost always used in their place.
Many different sign languages have been explicitly described as having quadral pronoun forms. Estonian Sign Language has even been described as having the quadral for nouns.
Marshallese has been said to have the quadral as a regular feature in its pronoun system.
+ Marshallese pronouns (italic=no dialect) |
A few other languages have also been claimed to have quadral pronouns. Robert Blust and others have said they exist in some of the Austronesian Kenyah languages, specifically the highland Lepoʼ Sawa dialect spoken in Long Anap. There seems to be no other published sources of info on this dialect's pronouns, and an investigation into the lowland Lebo’ Vo’ dialect has revealed a paucal instead of a quadral. A quadral claim has also been made for the animate demonstrative pronouns in Nauruan language. Outside the Austronesian family, Abun language storytelling reportedly frequently contains quadral pronouns in addition to trial ones. Perhaps the only known spoken language outside Oceania to have a claimed quadral is Apinayé of Brazil, recorded as having a third person pronominal prefix meaning "they four", although this has been little researched or described.
In some Austronesian languages with a singular/dual/trial/plural pronoun system, the plural forms are etymologically related to the number four. This has led to suggestions or assertions that historically a true quadral did exist, but it has since morphed into a plural form. It has thus been hypothesized that the quadral existed in Proto-Oceanic and Proto-Southern Vanuatu.
Like trial and quadral forms, rare quintal forms of pronouns have been said to be attested in Tok Pisin and Bislama. These languages insert numerals to represent exact numbers of referents. For example, in Bislama, the numerals tu (two) and tri (three) are contained within the second person pronouns yutufala (dual) and yutrifala (trial). These forms theoretically have no specific limit, but in practicality usually stop at three.
+ Bislama pronouns |
Sign languages described as having a quintal in addition to the quadral include American Sign Language, Argentine Sign Language, British Sign Language, German Sign Language, Levantine Arabic Sign Language, and Ugandan Sign Language.
The validity has been debated of categorizing sign language pronouns as having a quadral or a quintal. Linguist Susan McBurney has contended that American Sign Language has a true dual, but that the trial, quadral, and quintal should instead be classified as numeral incorporation rather than grammatical number. This is motivated by the dual marker handshape being distinct from the handshape for the numeral two, in contrast to higher number markers; the ability to also incorporate these numerals into other words, including those for times and amounts; and the use of markers higher than the dual not being obligatory, with replacement by the plural being acceptable. There was not enough data available to McBurney to argue whether or not these reasons equally applied to other sign languages. Linguist Raquel Veiga Busto has argued they do not equally apply to Catalan Sign Language, and has applied the terms quadral and quintal to the language's pronouns for convenience without taking an official stance as to whether they are grammatical number or numeral incorporation. A third model is to categorize the apparent trial/quadral/quintal forms as "cardinal plurals", or forms of the grammatical plural number where the number of people is specified. Other authors have treated these concepts as perfectly equivalent, referring to pronoun numeral incorporation while still applying the terms quadral and quintal.
There are also cases of sign language pronouns indicating specific numbers of referents above five. Ugandan Sign Language has a rare pronoun form for exactly six people. Some American Sign Language speakers have incorporated numerals up to nine into inclusive pronouns upon solicitation. Israeli Sign Language theoretically has the grammatical ability to incorporate numerals up to ten into pronouns.
The greater plural may also be a component of larger number systems. Nouns in Barngarla have a four-way distinction of singular, dual, plural, and greater plural. The same four-way distinction is found in Mokilese pronouns, where a former trial has evolved to become a plural, leaving the former plural with a greater plural meaning. A different four-way distinction of singular, paucal, plural, and greater plural can be found in some verbs of Hualapai. A more complex system is found in Mele-Fila: pronouns distinguish singular, dual, plural, and greater plural, but articles attached to nouns distinguish singular, paucal, and plural. The result is that for full sentences, there is a combined five-way distinction of singular, dual, paucal, plural, and greater plural. Singular and plural have straightforward number agreements, whereas dual has dual pronouns but paucal articles, paucal has plural pronouns but paucal articles, and greater plural has greater plural pronouns but plural articles.
+ Mokilese pronouns |
The exact meaning of and terminology for the greater plural differs between languages. In some languages like Miya language, it represents a large number of something, and has been called the plural of abundance. In other languages like Kaytetye, it can refer to all of something in existence, and has been called the global plural.
Like some other grammatical numbers, languages also vary as to which cases the greater plural may be used in. The greater plural is more common in nouns than in pronouns. Accordingly, in Kaytetye, the greater plural exists only in nouns and not pronouns. Oppositely, Mokilese has the greater plural in pronouns but not nouns. Chamacoco has the greater plural only in first person inclusive pronouns, second person pronouns, and first person inclusive verb inflections. Tigre language has the greater plural only in a single word, nälät, which means a large number of deer.
A similar system is found in Banyun language, where the greater plural represents unlimitedness, and the greatest plural represents "a higher degree of unlimitedness".
Linguist Daniel Harbour has represented the paucal, greater paucal, plural, greater plural, and greatest plural as collectively definable by "cuts" that divide the range of possible numbers into different sections. One low cut defines paucal and plural, and one high cut defines plural and greater plural. Two low cuts define paucal, greater paucal, and plural; one low cut and one high cut define paucal, plural, and greater plural; and two high cuts define plural, greater plural, and greatest plural. There does not appear to be any language with three such cuts, and so no language with three paucal categories and an "even greater paucal".
Because they are inexactly defined, the existence of multiple plural categories may blur the line between paucal and plural. For example, Mele-Fila is said to have a paucal, plural, and greater plural. However, the transition between plural and greater plural occurs around 15 to 20. This puts the Mele-Fila "plural" in range of some larger "paucals" described in other languages. Thus the distinction is muddied between a system of paucal, plural, greater plural, and a system of paucal, greater paucal, plural. Other examples can be found in the related languages of Gumuz language and Daatsʼiin. Northern Gumuz is said to mark the plural and greater plural on verbs, and Daatsʼiin is said to mark "three degrees of plurality" (plural, greater plural, and greatest plural) on verbs. In both languages though, the "plural" is often actually a paucal, understood to mean about two to four. However, in neither language is this always the case. The Northern Gumuz paucal/plural may sometimes refer to "much greater than four".
However, some languages only have a two-way difference between general and plurative, like in Japanese:
Of the sources below, Corbett (2000) explains the number distinction with the examples spelled inu and inu-tati; Takebayashi (1996) spells each part individually as inu (犬) and -tachi (たち); Takano (1992) uses the romanized and unhyphenated inutachi; and 研作 & 聡子 (2019) is an example of 犬たち in use.
Less common is a two-way distinction between general and singulative. No language has this as its default number contrast, although some languages have specific nouns with this distinction. For example, in Sidama language:
In some languages like Afar language, few nouns have a three-way contrast of general/singulative/plurative, but nouns with two-way contrasts of general/singulative and general/plurative are both common.
There are also languages which regularly employ different number systems with a dual, trial, paucal, or greater plural in addition to a general:
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Additional other systems can be seen in some languages only for specific nouns:
For example, under a singular/dual/trial/plural analysis, the pronouns in Ilocano language and Bininj Kunwok are:
+ Ilocano pronouns |
+ Bininj Kunwok pronouns |
"Singular" does not exist for first person inclusive, which is by definition at least two people. In Ilocano, the "dual" only exists for first person inclusive, and likewise for the "trial" in Bininj Kunwok. Such categorization has been called "inelegant." It can also poorly reflect the grammatical structure: using the suffix -woneng, Bininj Kunwok treats the first person inclusive "trial" identically to the "duals" in other persons, even though it refers to three people.
The alternate analysis is thus:
+ Ilocano pronouns |
+ Bininj Kunwok pronouns |
The 'minimal' number is the smallest possible group for each category. For 1st exclusive, 2nd, and 3rd, this is one, and for 1st inclusive, this is two. Unit augmented is one more than minimal. For 1st exclusive, 2nd, and 3rd, this is two, and for 1st inclusive, this is three. Augmented is an equivalent to plural. In a minimal/augmented system, augmented means more than one for 1st exclusive, 2nd, and 3rd, and means more than two for 1st inclusive. In a minimal/unit augmented/augmented system, augmented means more than two for 1st exclusive, 2nd, and 3rd, and means more than three for 1st inclusive.
Besides Ilocano, languages considered to have a minimal/augmented pronoun system include Tagalog language, Maranao language,
Minimal and augmented may also combine with paucal to create a three-way pronoun system of minimal, paucal, and augmented/plural. This is reportedly the case with Kayapo language. A four-way system of minimal, unit augmented, paucal, and plural is theoretically possible, but has never been observed in any natural language.
Breton only has the dual for nouns that naturally come in pairs, mostly body parts and items of clothing. The composed dual and plural indicates multiple sets of two each, whereas the regular plural represents multiple items without them conceptualized as coming in pairs. There is at least one attestation in Ancient Egyptian, from an inscription dating to the reign of Merneptah, of the exact same grammatical construction with the word "hand" (to mean multiple pairs of hands).
A similar category can be found in some nouns of Classical Arabic, where it has been called the "dual of the plural". However, its meaning is the reverse of the Breton construction. Rather than multiple sets of two each, it indicates two sets of multiple each. Thus there is rumḥun, spear (singular); rumḥani, two spears (dual); rimāḥun, spears (plural); and rimāḥāni, two groups of spears (dual of the plural). The Arabic dual of the plural more specifically implies a minimum of six items, or two groups of three each.
The pronouns and verbs of Kalaw Lagaw Ya distinguish singular, dual, and plural, leaving no ambiguity between one and two in full sentences.
While Kalaw Lagaw Ya has the singular-dual in all nouns, Pame languages has it specifically in inanimate nouns, such as čihàgŋ, spoon(s) (one or two), and šihàgŋ, spoons (plural, three or more). Pame animate nouns largely have a full three-way distinction: nadò, dog (singular); nadò i, two dogs (dual); and ladò t, dogs (plural).
The singular-dual may also be found in verbs: Hopi language verbs distinguish singular-dual and plural (3+), while Hopi pronouns distinguish singular and plural (2+). The dual can be represented with a plural pronoun combined with a singular-dual verb. This phenomenon has been called a constructed number or a Frankendual. However, Hopi nouns still overtly distinguish singular, dual, and plural. Idi language goes even further by having no specific dual markers of any kind for any part of speech, with the only way to represent dual being combining a singular-dual verb with a plural noun. A more complex example comes from Koasati language, where besides plural, some verbs have singular and dual, some verbs just have singular, and some verbs just have singular-dual:
+ Some Koasati verbs |
The related Tucanoan language of Wanano language also has some nouns that function this way.
The same number distinction is also seen in the verb for "climb" in Miriwoong, an Australian language.
Some nouns in Navajo language have also been described as working this way, such as:
Similarly, although Larike pronouns exhibit singular, dual, trial, and plural, they can only be used for human referents. For nonhuman referents, there are only two possible numbers, which are marked on the verb: a plural, and a "singular" that can be used to mean anywhere from one to a few.
Wangkumara does not normally mark number directly on nouns. Instead, it distinguishes singular, dual, and plural using adnominal pronouns, plural-indicating adjectives like 'many', or marking on other adjectives. The exception is that nouns take the dual enclitic when referring to two. Thus for nouns alone, the only distinction is dual and nondual.
A more complex system can be found in the Tanoan languages of Kiowa language and Jemez language. These languages have what is called an inverse number system. Although the languages distinguish between singular, dual, and plural, any given noun only has a single possible number marker. What number is implicit in an unmarked noun depends on its class. In Kiowa, by default, Class I nouns are singular-dual, Class II nouns are plural (two or more), Class III nouns are dual, and Class IV nouns are mass nouns with no number. The inverse number marker changes the noun to whatever number(s) the unmarked noun isn't, such as changing Class III nouns from dual to nondual. In Jemez, Class III nouns are the opposite: they are inherently nondual, and get marked for dual.
The nondual versus dual distinction may also be found in verbs. Timbisha has verbs with several different possible number distinctions, including nondual ones. A more minor example is Enets language, which has the nondual only in its intransitive third person imperative verbs.
+ Example Timbisha verbs |
The nondual violates a proposed universal of conflated systems, namely that they will always encompass every value except plural. Regardless, the nondual has still been referred to as a conflation of number values.
+ Pirahã pronouns |
Grammatical number distinctions found in world languages | ||||
(Numberless) | 1 | Pirahã | - | |
Singular, plural | 2 | English language | Nouns, pronouns, verbs (3rd person) | |
General, singulative | 2 | Sidama language | Nouns (some) | |
General, plurative | 2 | Japanese | Nouns | |
General, greater plural | 2 | Burushaski | Nouns (some) | |
Minimal, augmented | 2 | Ilocano language | Pronouns | |
Singular-dual, plural | 2 | Kalaw Lagaw Ya | Nouns | |
Hopi language | Verbs | |||
Singular-paucal, plural | 2 | Zuni language | Nouns | |
Larike | Verbs (non-human referents) | |||
Singular-dual-trial, plural | 2 | Tuyuca language | Nouns (inanimate) | |
Singular-dual-trial-quadral, plural | 2 | Wanano language | Nouns (some) | |
Nondual, dual | 2 | Wangkumara | Nouns | |
Timbisha | Verbs (some) | |||
Singular, dual, plural | 3 | Alutiiq language | Nouns, pronouns, verbs | |
Singular, paucal, plural | 3 | Mocoví | Nouns | |
Singular, plural, double plural | 3 | Somali language | Nouns (some) | |
Singular, plural, greater plural | 3 | Tswana language | Nouns (some) | Desmond T. Cole (2025). 058261709X, Longmans, Green and Co.. 058261709X |
General, singulative, paucal | 3 | Hamer language | Nouns (some) | |
General, singulative, plurative | 3 | Pular language | Nouns | |
General, dual, paucal | 3 | Warlpiri | Nouns | |
General, dual, plurative | 3 | Bambassi | Nouns | |
Minimal, unit augmented, augmented | 3 | Bininj Kunwok | Pronouns | |
Minimal, paucal, plural | 3 | Kayapo language | Pronouns | |
Singular, dual, trial, plural | 4 | Kiwai language | Nouns, pronouns | |
Lenakel language | Verbs, pronouns | |||
Singular, dual, paucal, plural | 4 | Siwai language | Nouns | |
Yimas language | Pronouns | |||
Singular, dual, plural, dual + plural (4+) | 4 | Breton language | Nouns (some) | |
Singular, dual, plural, plural + dual (6+) | 4 | Classical Arabic | Nouns (some) | |
Singular, dual, plural, double plural | 4 | Classical Arabic | Nouns (some) | |
Singular, dual, plural, greater plural | 4 | Barngarla | Nouns | |
Mokilese | Pronouns | |||
Singular, paucal, plural, greater plural | 4 | Hualapai | Verbs (some) | |
Singular, plural, greater plural, greatest plural | 4 | Warekena | Nouns | |
Daatsʼiin | Verbs (some cases) | |||
General, singulative, paucal, and plurative | 4 | Baiso language | Nouns | |
General, singulative, paucal, greater plural | 4 | Hamer language | Nouns (some) | |
General, dual, trial, plurative | 4 | Arabana language | Nouns | |
General, dual, plurative, greater plural | 4 | Kaytetye | Nouns | |
Singular, dual, trial, quadral*, plural | 5 | Russian Sign Language | Pronouns | |
Singular, dual, trial, paucal, plural | 5 | Mussau | Pronouns | |
Singular, dual, paucal, greater paucal, plural | 5 | Sursurunga | Pronouns | |
Singular, dual, paucal, plural, greater plural | 5 | Mele-Fila | Pronoun/article combinations | |
Singular, dual, plural, double plural, triple plural | 5 | Classical Arabic | Nouns (some) | |
General, singulative, dual, plurative, greater plural | 5 | Damascus Arabic | Nouns (some) | |
Singular, dual, trial, quadral*, quintal*, plural | 6 | Levantine Arabic Sign Language | Pronouns | |
Singular, dual, trial, quadral*/paucal, plural (5+), plural (2+) | 6 | Marshallese | Pronouns | |
Singular, dual, trial, quadral*, quintal*, six*, plural | 7 | Ugandan Sign Language | Pronouns | |
Singular, dual, plural, double plural, triple plural, quadruple plural, quintuple plural, sextuple plural | 8 | Classical Arabic (15th century) | The word for camel | |
Singular, dual, trial, quadral*, quintal*, six*, ... nine*, plural | 10 | American Sign Language | Pronouns (some speakers) | |
Singular, dual, trial, quadral*, quintal*, six*, ... ten*, plural | 11 | Israeli Sign Language | Pronouns | |
Singular, dual, trial, ... plural | ?† | Bislama | Pronouns | |
*Category's existence has been debated †No exact limit |
In Dagaare, the distributive plural may indicate either referents in different locations or referents of different types. By contrast, in Quileute, it only means referents in different locations, and in Mohawk language, it only means referents of different types. Thus in Mohawk there is ierakewáhtha’, towel, and ierakewahtha’ shòn:’a, various products for wiping like towels, napkins, and so on. It is also possible to have distributive pronouns, such as those found in Yir-Yoront, which distinguish between "you and I" and "you and I, acting separately".
+ Yir-Yoront pronouns (nominative) |
However, it is most common to mark the distributive on verbs. This may distribute the action across various individuals, such as in the Guarani language constructions: ha’ekuéra opo’i ita’i, "they dropped a pebble"; ha’ekuéra opo’i po’i ita’i, "they each dropped a pebble". It may also distribute the action across time, such as in the Kumak language words taxe, to throw, and t araxe, to throw (repeatedly). Some ǂʼAmkoe verbs offer multiple senses of the distributive for one verb: italic=yes, to stab; italic=yes, to stab (repeatedly); italic=yes, to stab (several things at different locations). The distributive plural may be a part of even larger paradigms: in Urarina language, intransitive verbs describing a positional state (such as "it is lying on its side") distinguish between singular, dual, paucal, plural (4+), and distributive plural.
While some linguists have treated the distributive as a category of grammatical number,See:
others have rejected this.See:
A few things make its categorization as a grammatical number potentially problematic. Several languages allow the distributive to be added to mass nouns that are normally not considered to have number, such as the Dagaare salema, gold, and salem ɛɛ, "gold in different locations".
The collective may be limited to just a small subset of nouns, like in Bandial language, where it can only be used with certain insects and small objects: enipora, fly; sinipora, flies; and banipora, swarm of flies. Just like the distributive, the collective can also change the meaning of verbs, as in Panyjima: karri, to stand, and karri nyayi, to stand together. In Vaeakau-Taumako, the collective is indicated through different articles: te tai, the person; ngha tai, the people; and a tai, the group of people.
The collective presents similar issues as the distributive in its potential classification as grammatical number, including the fact that some languages allow both collective and plural markers on the same words. Adding a collective to a plural word does not change the number of referents, only how those referents are conceptualized.
A noun followed by an adjective or a demonstrative is in the absolutive case, and the last word in the phrase is declined: Etxe a ("The house / House"). Etxe bat ("A house"). Etxe handi bat ("A big house"). Etxe handi batean ("In a big house"). Etxe handi hori ("That big house"). Etxe zuri handi horretan ("In that big white house").
If the amount is known, the plural grammatical numbers are used: Lapurrak bi etxe tan sartu dira ("The thieves have broken in two houses" indefinite:). Lapurrak bizpahiru etxe tan sartu dira ("The thieves have broken in two or three houses" indefinite:). Lapurrak bi etxe etan sartu dira ("The thieves have broken in both houses" definite). Lapurrak bi etxe otan sartu dira ("The thieves have broken in these two houses" definite).
The indefinite is also used in some idioms and set phrases: Egun on! ("Good day! / Good morning!"), On egin! ("Bon appetit!"), Etxe z etxe ("From house to house"), Meza tara joan ("Go to the mass"), Etxe bila ibili ("To look for a house"), and as the root for compound words ( etxe-galgarri, etxekalte, "Person or thing which brings loss to a home") or derivative words ( etxeratu, "To go home / To send home"; etxekoi, "fond of home"; etxegile, "housebuilder").
It is also used to include oneself in the group referred to: Nafarr ak festazale ak dira ("The Navarrese like celebrations": the speaker is not a Navarrese). Nafarr ok festazaleak gara ("We Navarrese like celebrations": the speaker is a Navarrese).
Verbs have four singular persons and three plural ones, as follows:
Singular:
Plural:
However, when a number is used, or a word signifying a number (monta- many), the singular version of the partitive case is used.
and where no specific number is mentioned, the plural version of the partitive case is used
and in the possessive (genitive)
In its written form, French language declines nouns for number (singular or plural). In speech, however, the majority of nouns (and adjectives) are not declined for number. The typical plural suffix, -s or -es, is silent letter, no longer indicating a change in pronunciation. Spoken number marking on the noun appears when liaison occurs.
Normally, the article or determiner is the primary spoken indicator of number.
The numeral "one" also has a plural form used with pluralia tantum, as in одни часы, "one clock". The same form is used with countable nouns in meaning "only": Кругом одни идиоты "There are only idiots around".
Láadan uses a singular-paucal-superplural breakdown, with paucal indicating between two and five items inclusive.
Some languages have no marker for the plural in certain cases, e.g. Swedish language hus – "house, houses" (but huset – "the house", husen – "the houses").
In most languages, the singular is formally unmarked, whereas the plural is marked in some way. Other languages, most notably the Bantu languages, mark both the singular and the plural, for instance Swahili language (see example below). The third logical possibility, found in only a few languages such as Welsh language and Sinhala language, is an unmarked plural contrasting with marked singular. Below are some examples of number for nouns (where the inflecting are underlined):
Elements marking number may appear on nouns and in dependent-marking languages or on and adjectives in head-marking languages.
Paul is teaching the cowboy. | Paul idilohí yiłch'ígó'aah. |
Paul is teaching the cowboy s. | Paul idilohí yiłch'í dagó'aah. |
In the English sentence above, the plural suffix -s is added to the noun cowboy. In the equivalent in Western Apache, a head-marking language, a plural affix da- is added to the verb yiłch'ígó'aah "he is teaching him", resulting in yiłch'ídagó'aah "he is teaching them" while noun idilohí "cowboy" is unmarked for number.
Languages that show number inflection for a large enough corpus of nouns or allow them to combine directly with singular and plural numerals can be described as non-classifier languages. On the other hand, there are languages that obligatorily require a counter word or the so-called classifier for all nouns. For example, the category of number in Assamese is fused with the category of classifier, which always carries a definite/indefinite reading. The singularity or plurality of the noun is determined by the addition of the classifier suffix either to the noun or to the numeral. Number system in Assamese is either realized as numeral or as nominal inflection, but not both. Numerals ek 'one' and dui 'two', can be realized as both free morpheme and clitics. When used with classifiers, these two numerals are cliticised to the classifiers.
Pingelapese is a Micronesian language spoken on the Pingelap atoll and on two of the eastern Caroline Islands, called the high island of Pohnpei. In Pingelapese, the meaning, use, or shape of an object can be expressed through the use of numerical classifiers. These classifiers combine a noun and a number that together can give more details about the object. There are at least five sets of numerical classifiers in Pingelapese. Each classifier has a numeral part and a classifier part that corresponds to the noun it is describing. The classifier follows the noun in a phrase. There is a separate set of numerical classifiers that is used when the object is not specified. Examples of this is the names of the days of the week.
A very common situation is for plural number to not be marked if there is any other overt indication of number, as for example in Hungarian: virág "flower"; virágok "flowers"; hat virág "six flowers".
In English, and in Indo-European languages in general, the verb is singular or plural to match whether the subject of the sentence is singular or plural. Oppositely, in Xavante language, transitive verbs match the number of the object. In West Greenlandic, the verb is marked for the number of both the subject and the object.
Determiners may agree with number. In English, the "this", "that" change to "these", "those" in the plural, and the indefinite article "a", "an" is either omitted or changes to "some". In French and German, the have gender distinctions in the singular but not the plural. In Italian, Spanish and Portuguese, both definite and indefinite articles are inflected for gender and number, e.g. Portuguese o, a "the" (singular, masc./fem.), os, as "the" (plural, masc./fem.); um, uma "a(n)" (singular, masc./fem.), uns, umas "some" (plural, masc./fem.), dois, duas "two" (plural, masc./fem.).
In the Finnish language sentence Yö t o vat pime itä "Nights are dark", each word referring to the plural noun yöt "nights" ("night" = yö) is pluralized (night- is- dark--partitive).
In Arabic grammar, the plural of a non-human noun (one that refers to an animal or to an animacy entity regardless of whether the noun is grammatically masculine or feminine in the singular) is treated as feminine singular—this is called the inanimate plural. For example:
but
In some cases, the number marking on a verb with a collective subject may express the degree of collectivity of action:
Languages that express quantity only by lexical means lack a grammatical category of number. For instance, in Khmer language, neither nouns nor verbs carry any grammatical information concerning number: such information can only be conveyed by lexical items such as khlah 'some', pii-bey 'a few', and so on..
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